Thousands of protesters flooded central Seoul on Saturday, waving Korean and American flags, Maga hats, and banners honouring slain rightwing activist Charlie Kirk.
They held placards reading “Korea for Koreans” as chants of “China out” and “send the communists away” blended with an anti-Chinese racial slur.
These rallies mark an escalation in anti-China sentiment that comes at a supremely awkward time for South Korea, just days before it is due to host Chinese president Xi Jinping in the south-eastern city of Gyeongju for the Apec summit, where he is set to meet Donald Trump on its sidelines.
President Lee Jae Myung, who has prioritised repairing ties with Beijing, warned the protests were “self-destructive” and damaging national interests and international image at a crucial time.
The unrest forced the Chinese embassy to issue a safety warning to its nationals earlier this month, and ambassador Dai Bing has accused “some media and forces” of fabricating lies such as Chinese election interference for domestic political purposes.
Tensions with China have long been fuelled by disputes such as Chinese economic retaliation after South Korea deployed a US missile defence system, illegal fishing in Korean waters and claims of cultural appropriation, but experts say these grievances are now being weaponised by a resurgent rightwing movement in South Korea.
And it is having an effect. Anti-China sentiment has surged across South Korea over the past decade, rising from 16% in 2015 to over 71% in 2025, according to East Asia Institute polling.
The latest mobilisation was spurred by then president Yoon Suk Yeol’s claims of communist infiltration and Chinese interference in elections, which ended in his failed martial law attempt in December last year.
His legacy galvanised a new rightwing youth group, Freedom University, which now organises weekly rallies.
While the original evangelical-led movement – which venerates the United States and casts anti-communism as a divine mission – remains the ideological backbone, this youth offshoot is digitally organised, operating in an environment already awash with conspiracy theories that promote patriotic resistance to foreign infiltration.
The latest spark for the fuse
The rallies intensified after the government introduced visa-free entry for Chinese tour groups in late September to boost the economy. Opponents argue this compromises national security.
Young Koreans facing unemployment and soaring housing costs are especially receptive to narratives blaming China for economic decline and social displacement, experts say.
“These protests reflect deeper anxieties about Korea’s place in the world as US-China rivalry intensifies,” says Hannah Kim, a professor of international studies at Sogang University.
“They appear to be an outlet for accumulated frustrations around China-related issues that have become heavily politicised since Covid-19. Issues like tourism policy, undocumented immigration and Chinese property investment have all turned into flashpoints,” she says.
Protesters wearing university jackets – signalling student identity – have targeted Chinese communities and businesses in Seoul areas such as Myeongdong near the Chinese embassy, Daerim-dong, and the student area around Konkuk University’s lamb skewer alley.
They have harassed Chinese-run shops, hurling racist chants at staff and customers and, during marches, demanded ID cards from passersby to prove they were not Chinese.
On the ground, their messaging is eclectic: t-shirts reading “Yoon Again” backing the disgraced former leader, “Stop the boats” banners lifted from UK and Australian anti-immigration campaigns, and “Stop the steal” flags echoing US election denial narratives.
‘Incited and brainwashed’
For Chinese residents like Ji, who asked to be identified only by her surname for fear of retribution, the sentiment feels painfully personal. She moved to South Korea 17 years ago and is raising a daughter with her Korean husband. “Due to false information spread by certain individuals or groups, some Koreans who don’t understand China have been incited and brainwashed,” she says.
Zhang, a working mother who has lived in Seoul for a decade and who also declined to be fully named, said the demonstrations were “very regrettable” and were a case of “extreme behaviour by a minority”.
Prime minister Kim Min-seok ordered a crackdown on the protests ahead of Apec, saying no foreigner should feel unsafe or unwelcome, and authorities have since blocked rallies in Myeongdong, a key shopping district in Seoul.
South Korea’s foreign ministry told the Guardian it was coordinating with other agencies to monitor the situation and maintain safety against “illegal and extreme actions”. Lee’s Democratic party has proposed legislation to ban rallies that incite discrimination, though critics argue such measures would threaten free speech.
Prof Kim acknowledges that concerns about sovereignty are understandable but cautioned against letting them spill into discriminatory attacks on individuals.
“The strength of democracy is measured not by the absence of protest, but by how responsibly it manages protest while protecting both liberty and dignity,” she said.
For Chinese residents like Ji, the politics feel personal.
“China is my motherland, and Korea can be said to be my second homeland,” she said.
“Whenever I hear anti-China voices or see these demonstrations, I feel very sad. I worry about our personal safety and legal rights, and feel uncertain about what the future holds for us in Korea.”
